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Research Note #4
The Supreme Court Decision on Bill 30
 
   Bill Davis, Premier of Ontario in 1984, for whatever reason, decided on his own, that is, not by a decision of his party or his Cabinet, that the supply of public funds for the Roman Catholic separate school system should be extended to cover the costs of Roman Catholic high schools.
 
   This betrayal of supporters brought down the Progressive Conservative government, so it was the Liberals that introduced enabling legislation, Bill 30.  This Bill raised such a howl of protest that the government was forced to refer a question on the legality of the Bill to the courts.  Upheld by the Ontario Court of appeal, a further appeal was made to the Supreme Court of Canada.
 
   The Court acknowledged that Section 93 of the Constitution Act, 1867, gives absolute power over education to the provinces. 
 
  The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, introduced in 1982, forbids discrimination on the grounds of religion.   The Court also acknowledged, because  the terms of Bill 30 give special privileges to Roman Catholic citizens, that the Bill violates the Charter.
 
  The Supreme Court then faced two sections of the constitution which appeared to contradict each other; the tenuous Section 93, and the protection from discrimination in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.   
 
   In June, 1987 the Supreme Court ultimately upheld Bill 30 through the following devious procedures.
   The Court decision was written by Justice Estey and Madam Justice Wilson, the other justices concurring.
 
   Justice Estey stated that:  “It is axiomatic (and many counsel before this Court conceded the point) that if the Charter has any application to Bill 30, this Bill would be found discriminatory and in violation of s. 2(a) and s. 15 of the Charter of Rights.” 
 
   So Justice Estey said that the Charter did not apply to the question under consideration.  In other words he threw out the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms which comprises all of Part 1 of the Constitution Act, 1982.
 
   Estey’s statement contradicts what the Charter itself says in Section 32(1):
   “This Charter applies (b) to the legislature and government of each province in respect of all matters within the authority of the legislature of each province.”  The Court threw this out too.
 
   The present Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, the Rt. Hon. Beverley McLachlin, publicly stated that: “...the constitution binds everybody, and cannot be avoided.”  The obvious conclusion is that the constitution “binds everybody” when it suits the Court, and when it doesn’t suit, the Court throws it out.
 
   This is justice?
 
 This is the rule of law?
 
      The Court’s decision also flies in the face of orthodox principles of legislative interpretation in that newer laws, the Charter, automatically repeal inconsistent earlier ones, Section 93.
  
   Another principle which the Supreme Court conveniently ignored is the influence of international law.  From 1925 to 1990, 184 court cases have made reference, and given credence to, international human rights law.  The Supreme Court can be excused for ignoring international law which does not affect Canada, but to ignore, in this case, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which Canada acceded to in May of 1976, is inexcusable.  It probably wasn’t mentioned because Canada is in violation of Article 26 of this Covenant precisely because of Ontario’s discriminatory separate school system.
 
Why did the Supreme Court -
 
 — defy the Constitution and throw out our Charter of Rights?
 
 — put older laws ahead of newer ones?
 
— ignore binding international human rights law?
 
Did the Supreme Court have religious supremacist views which determined the outcome?   
 
Was their decision helpful or harmful to our
increasingly multicultural
society?
 
Many have questioned the Bill 30 decision by the Supreme Court
 
            Not only have many questioned the decision, there have been at least three books written about Supreme Court decisions.  “The Charter Revolution and the Court party” by F. L. Morton & Rainer Knopff, 2000, 227 pages.  “The Most Dangerous Branch – How the Supreme Court of Canada has Undermined Our Law and Our Democracy” by Robert Ivan Martin, 2003, 285 pages.  “Against Judicial Activism – The Decline of Freedom and Democracy in Canada” by Rory Leishman, 2006, 310 pages.
 
Further reading about the application of the Charter reveals a disturbing statement by Justice Estey.  He said that the province, under section 93 of the Constitution on education, is given absolute power to legislate. The Charter didn't apply because: “It is one thing to supervise and on a proper occasion curtail the exercise of a power to legislate; it is quite another thing to say that an entire power to legislate has been removed from the Constitution by the introduction of this judicial power of supervision.”  Read this again. It appears that Justice Estey is saying that most of the legislative bills introduced by a government under this section 93 will violate the Charter.  Honouring rights “guaranteed” in the Charter of Rights would be so restrictive, he is saying, that the province would have its “entire power to legislate . . removed.”  It makes one want to ask: what other draconian legislation, that would also violate the Charter, did Justice Estey wish to clear the way for the province to implement?  It appears Justice Estey does not favour freedom for the masses and finds the Charter an impediment to the type of government he presumably favours.
The sum and substance of what the Court has said is that, in any area in which the provinces are given absolute power to legislate, the Charter does not apply.  The corollary is that the Charter also has no application to sections 92 and 92A where the provinces also have exclusive jurisdiction. These sections cover everything from hospitals to steamships to taverns.  An inference that the Charter does not apply to these sections is ridiculous, and belittles the intelligence of the general public.
 
            Justice Wilson, in her assessment of Charter applicability, said that the rights and privileges of Roman Catholics “. . . are insulated from Charter attack as legislation enacted pursuant to the plenary power in relation to education granted to the provincial legislatures as part of the Confederation compromise. Their protection from Charter review lies not in the guaranteed nature of the rights and privileges conferred by the legislation but in the guaranteed nature of the province’s pIenary power to enact that legislation.” Dale Gibson, a law professor, in an article in The Canadian Bar Review, questioned whether Justice Wilson and her colleagues really intended “to suggest that some provisions of the Canadian Constitution are more deeply entrenched or have a higher priority than others. . . In the first place, there is the logical difficulty. Section 52 of the Constitution Act, 1982 assigns the status of 'supreme law' to  the entire Constitution of Canada.  To designate certain provisions of the Constitution as ‘more supreme than supreme' would be as impossible logically as designing a ball that is 'rounder than round’.  The only way to give some parts of the Constitution priority over others would be by ruling that section 52 does not mean what it says, and that in reality only part of the Constitution of Canada constitutes ‘supreme law.’”
 
As the situation now stands, section 32 of the Charter on “Application of Charter” is still part of the supreme law of Canada and outlines the Charter's application to “...all matters within the authority of the legislature of each province.”  Because the Supreme Court did not agree, it threw this section out too, not having the courage or the sense of duty to say why, but presumably because if debated, their position could not be defended.
 
            The progenitor of the Charter of Rights was the late Pierre Elliott Trudeau.  About the 1980 Repatriation Reference he spoke sternly about the Supreme Court’s conclusion, he said:
 
            “…they blatantly manipulated the evidence before them so as to arrive at the desired result.  They then wrote a judgment which tried to lend a fig leaf of legality to their preconceived conclusion.” 
 
            It happened again on June 25, 1987.